In mid-nineteenth century, both in Europe and North America in the emerging industrial factories, workers were required to work twelve to fourteen hours a day, six days a week, including children and women, drudgery and an unsanitary or toxic. European immigrants, who then came to America in search of a better world, changed (at most) the feudal remnants still hanging over their shoulders for the unrestrained greed of a young capitalism, which multiplied their profits by maximizing the workday. Strangers in a strange land, immigrants created the first organizations of workers grouped by nationality, seeking first the support and solidarity of those who spoke the same language, then forming guilds related trades (carpenters, furriers, seamstresses), and directing their action by way of mutuality.
America was also the testing ground for some utopian socialists, who created in the United Community united colonies, such as Robert Dale Owen (1825), Charles Fourier and Etienne Cabet, formed by migrant workers. U.S. workers were limited strictly to seek solace for their earthly suffering in different religious sects in the country. Were poor English immigrants who first spread social unrest among their class brothers and the same continued the fight on American soil already widespread in England by reducing the working day.
The development of manufacturing industry, improvement of machines and tools, the concentration of large masses of workers in the Northeast States, provided the land on which germinated the propaganda of the emigrants. The first strike broke out, 60 years before the events in Chicago, among carpenters in Philadelphia in 1827, and soon the unrest spread to other nuclei of workers. Graphical workers, glaziers and masons began to demand the reduction of working hours, and 15 unions formed the "Mechanics Union of Trade Associations" Philadelphia. The sample was followed in a dozen cities by the builders of Manhattan Island, in Great Lakes area, for the millers also mechanics and dock workers. TEN HOURS
LEGAL
The outcome of these struggles that marked the birth of trade unionism in the United States, first influenced the Federal Government rather than the owners, who looted their workers with impunity under librempresismo. In 1840, President Martin van Buren legally recognized 10-hour workday for government employees and also for the workers who worked in shipbuilding and in stockpiles. In 1842, two States, Massachusetts and Connecticut, have adopted laws forbidding children to work more than 10 hours per day. The same year, the hardware Whtite & Co. of Buffalo (State of New York) introduced in their shops the day of 10 hours.
But labor unrest continued. From across the sea came encouraging news. Bowing to union pressure, the British Government enacted a law (1844) which reduced to 7 working hours of children under 13 and limited to 12 hours for women. Soon there is hoped to achieve the 10-hour day for adult men and women. In this environment met the first National Trade Union Congress United States, 12 October 1845, in New York. Concrete steps were taken to coordinate the struggle of the various guilds and what was taking place in different cities. It proposed the creation of a permanent secret organization for the vindication of the rights of workers.
The Trade Union Congress of New York has set itself the task demand immediate action from the legal recognition of 10-hour day and called workers' meetings in major cities to publicly shake this requirement. At this stage followed the strikes, which reached exceptional size in Pittsburgh, metallurgical center, where 40,000 workers held a strike 6 weeks for the 10-hour day. But employers did not give in, and many recent immigrants are prepared to assume the position of the strikers. The motion failed. Elsewhere concrete progress was made: New Hampshire enacted the introduction of 10-hour day and many factories did the same in other states.
But the agitation gained momentum when disclosed in 1848, the news that workers in a colonial society in New Zealand had won the 8-hour day. However, there was organized a movement to endorse this aspiration. The claims are limited to demand a maximum of 10 hours per day.
It was only in early 1866, once the war of secession, which revived the struggle to shorten the working day.
Other progress has been achieved in the meantime. The State of Ohio adopted the Act of 10 hours for women workers, and construction unions were deeply impressed to learn that the builders of Australia got in those days to recognize the 8-hour day. Moreover, the reduction of working hours, to absorb more labor, became an urgent need for the return of demobilized soldiers and the closure of the factories working for the war. In addition, immigrants were flocking, hundreds and hundreds of thousands.
the Congress of the United States entered more than half a dozen bills proposing to legalize the 8-hour day, and the National Labor Assembly, held in Baltimore in August 1866 with representatives of 70 unions, including 12 national unions, declared:
"The first great need of this, to free the workers of this country from capitalist slavery, is the enactment of a law that working hours must consist of eight hours in all states American Union. We are determined to everything to get this result. "
The same union congress agreed to establish committee to "recommend" the claim of 8 hours, making the mistake of relying solely on the goodwill of the government for its initiative law.
Meanwhile in Europe, the First International (founded in 1864) had agreed at its congress in Geneva in 1866, world demand shake the working day of 8 hours. American employees in the Labor Congress of the Eastern States, held in Chicago in 1867, devoted much of their discussions at 8 hours. The man who pushed the resolutions on the subject was Ira Steward, a self-taught mechanic in Chicago, who gave the nickname "The maniac of eight hours."
Steward argued that the shorter working hours increase the need for labor and, therefore, there would come an increase in wages. Skeptical of the effectiveness of purely trade union action, Steward, in the absence of an independent political party of the working class, proposed a method traditionally used by the U.S. labor movement: putting pressure on the parties' pro-establishment "and not give their votes more that candidates who accept advance all or part of the program association.
FEDERAL LAW OF THE EIGHT HOURS
Finally, the efforts of the American working class were able to alter the attitude of Government, and not that of private entrepreneurs. As U.S. President Andrew Johnson in 1868 Ingersoll Act was passed, which established the 8-hour day for employees of federal agencies and those working in public works. Ingersoll Law, issued on June 25, 1868, provided:
"Article 1. º The work day is set at eight hours for all laborers or workmen and craftsmen that the United States Government or the District of Columbia deal now on. Only as an exception be permitted to work more than eight hours when absolutely urgent that may arise in time of war or when necessary to protect property or human life. However, in such cases the extra work will be paid based on the salary of the eight hours. This can never be less than the wages paid generally in the region. Laborers, workmen and craftsmen employed by contractors or subcontractors for work on behalf of the Government of the United States or the District of Colombia will be considered employees of the Government or the District of Columbia. State officials must make payments on behalf of Government contractors or subcontractors shall verify, before paying the contractors or subcontractors have fulfilled their obligations to their workers, however, the government will not be responsible for the wages of workers.
Article 2. º All contracts concluded in front of the Government of the United States or on their own (or the District of Columbia, or on his behalf) to any corporation or person, based on the day eight hours, and any contractor who requires, or permits to their workers work more than eight hours per day will be against the law, except in cases of force majeure referred to in Article 1. º.
Article 3. º Those who knowingly violate this requirement is liable to a fine of 50 $ 1,000 or up to six months imprisonment, or both penalties together. "
The 8-hour day spent thus be required "legal" in the United States for public works, and it was now for private work in Australia. Industrial workers, meanwhile, remained under a 11-day and 12 hours a day throughout the length and breadth of the United States.
Major public works contractors in construction opposed, of course, the actual implementation of the federal 8-hour day. The patterns formed a "Partnership of the Ten Hours", trying to show that the duration of working time was "more advantageous to workers." These were the years when he wrote Frederick Engels Karl Marx that "because of the agitation for 8 hours were canceled contracts for more than a million and half dollars, based on information from the U.S. press.
The State of California has been ahead of others and ordered the mandatory 8-hour day for all workers in the public or the private sector in late 1868. But there is no evidence that progressive legal measure has been applied in practice and there are strong doubts about the practical effect of what the law required for public works Ingersoll A historian of the U.S. labor movement wrote: "The agitation for of the day 8 hours, after many vicissitudes and some legislative successes that they had no practical application, did not reach any results, and the working people was affected by a deep disappointment. " From there started the drive that culminated in the events in Chicago in May 1886.
CRISIS AND UNEMPLOYMENT
With the encouragement of the struggle for shorter working hours, labor organizations were extended and strengthened. In 1867, in Chicago had created the National Workers Party, which raised its first convention in search of an independent political path for the working class. He urged workers to avoid being used politically by the bourgeoisie, but their appeals failed to take hold in the mass. Flourished instead the "League for eight hours, founded in Boston in 1869, which also raised a platform of socialist-style fighting and proclaimed the" war of the capitalist class. " In 1870 he founded the secret organization "The Knights of Labor", inspired by anarchist, which all attacks were attributed whose authors could not find the police, and would be widely cited in the process of Chicago years later. Its leaders took after pro-capitalist positions.
In September 1871 a large demonstration was made public by the 8-hour day in New York, attended by more than 20,000 workers, a considerable sum then. Participants mainly French and German emigrants, members of the International and American workers themselves.
important battles fought in 1872 for 8 hours the workers furniture makers and other related classes, which achieved satisfaction for their demands, but later the leaders were duped by their employers, fired from their occupation, and was again extended the working day . The union was still weak and fragmented to be able to require compliance with the agreements. Was sprouting and the idea of \u200b\u200ba general strike by a certain date; what would materialize 14 years later, on 1 May 1886.
Meanwhile, in 1873, things suddenly got worse for workers. The crisis was seen coming finally arrived, throwing the dismissal of hundreds of thousands of workers. Factories closed their doors and laid off as wolves roamed the streets, feeding on the waste found in garbage cans. The winter of 1872-73 left a horrible death toll from hunger and cold, as there was no memory in the United States. Only in New York State there were 200,000 unemployed.
January 13, 1873, North American Section of the International convened a meeting of unemployed in New York to demonstrate to the State Government the situation and seek solution to their misery. It required a daily ration of food for the unemployed, the initiation of public works to give jobs to those in need and a statutory extension to pay modest rents and leases. They wanted to avoid being thrown into the street (and exposed to die of cold) families could not afford the rent where the father or the husband out of work.
The event shocked the city and in boisterous parade, the unemployed went to City Council to present their demands. When they got there, they were attacked by a horde of policemen who suddenly appeared, beating and saber everyone, including women and children. Hundreds were wounded and bruised on the pavement of downtown New York, and hundreds of other poor people were arrested and brought before the courts "to resist police orders." The mainstream press
aired falsehoods and slander on the wounds and hunger of the unemployed so fiercely repressed. "It was a public meeting of idle thieves," said a New York newspaper. "We have to prepare meals if they eat poisoned at the expense of government," he wrote another in Chicago. The editorial called for eliminating the plague of miserable "that plagued the city.
same time, the requirement of 8 hours was becoming stronger, even presented as a way of increasing the slack demand for labor. "The Knights of Labor", a program released in 1874, declared that they would try to get 8 hours, "refusing to work longer hours, even through a general strike." In a long list of reforms and claims, proclaimed its intention "to obtain a gradual reduction of working hours to 8 hours per day, to enjoy some degree of benefits of the adoption of machinery to replace labor. " NACE
AFL
Despite the offensive against the American labor movement was further strengthened. In 1881 he was in Pittsburgh the American Federation of Labor (AFL), American Federation of Labor, which at its first congress demanded a more rigorous enforcement of the 8-hour day for working on public works. At its second congress, held in Cleveland in 1882, the AFL adopted a declaration, presented by delegates from Chicago, to extend the benefit of 8 hours for all workers, regardless of profession, gender or age:
"As representatives of organized labor, declared that the working day of eight hours will give more work for increased wages. We declare that allow the possession and enjoyment of more goods by those who create them. This law will lighten the social problem, providing jobs for the unemployed. Decrease the power of the rich over the poor, not because the rich become poorer, but because the poor are rich. Create the conditions necessary for education and intellectual improvement of the masses. Decrease crime and alcoholism ... Needs increase, encourage ambition and decrease the negligence of the workers. Stimulate production and increase the consumption of goods for the masses. Will require the increased use of machines to save labor force ... Decrease poverty and increase the welfare of all employees. "
The third congress of the AFL (1883) agreed to request the President of the United States to drive forward the law of 8 hours, and also sent a note to the national committees of the Republican and Democrat, to define their respective positions on 8-hour day and other demands of workers.
Preparations for the general strike on May 1, 1886 had begun to take shape two years ago, in November 1884 when Chicago met at the Fourth Congress of the AFL (then called the AFL Federation of Organized Trade and Labor Unions in the U.S. and Canada.) In the Fourth Congress could find, from the first plenary session, the change in the spirit of union leaders. The delay and negative respondents to their demands pushed the political parties to seek new forms of action, based on their strengths. His decision was strengthened by international experience conquered by the working class in those years and, above all, the English trade union movement.
1 May 1886
Finally, so far was expected. The order of the day, even for the whole union movement was precise: As of today, no worker should work more than 8 hours per day! 8 hours of work! 8 hours of sleep! 8 hours recreation!. Simultaneously, 5,000 reported strikes and 340,000 strikers left the factory, to win the streets and there voicing their demands.
In New York, workers piano makers, the carpenters, the varnish and construction workers won the 8 hours on the basis of equal pay. Bakers and brewers were granted 10-hour day with pay increase. In Pittsburgh, success was almost complete. In Baltimore, three federations won the 8 pm: the carpenters, furriers and workers in pianos, organs. In Chicago, 8 hours without reducing their wages, packers, carpenters, cutters, construction workers, printers, mechanics, blacksmiths and pharmacy staff, 10 hour wage increase butchers, bakers, brewers. In Newark, hatters, cigar, workers on Singer sewing machines, won the coveted 8 hours. In Boston, the construction workers. In Louisville, the workers of snuff. In St. Louis, the joiners, and Washington, painters ... In total, 125,000 workers won the day 8 hours as May 1. At the end of the month would be 200,000, and before end of the year, a million. It was not a complete victory, but had obtained an important result, above, even some flaws in the labor movement. "Never in this country as there was a general uprising of the industrial masses" (expressing a report by the AFL) "The desire for a reduction in working hours has prompted thousands of workers to join existing organizations, when many until now, had remained indifferent to union action. "
In Chicago, events took a particularly confrontational turn. Workers in that city lived in worse conditions than other states. Many had 13 and still working 14 hours a day, departing at work at 4 am and returned at 7 or 8 at night, or even later, so that "never saw their wives and children in the light of day ". Some were sleeping in hallways and attics, others unclean crumbling buildings, where numerous families. Many did not even have housing. On the other hand, the majority of employers had a culture of cannibals. Their newspapers wrote that the worker must put aside their "pride" and accept being treated as "human machine." The "Chicago Tribune" dared to say. "Lead is better food for the strikers ... The prison and forced labor are the only possible solution to the social question. It is hoped that its use is spreading. "
No wonder Chicago in that box was the most active center of revolutionary agitation in the United States and headquarters of the anarchist movement in America: Two organizations were running the strike for 8 hours in Chicago and throughout the State of Illinois: Association of Workers and Artisans and the Central Workers Union, but his exalted class newspapers were the poles around which revolved the industrial action.
One of these papers was written in German, the "Arbeiter Zeitung", which appeared three times a week, led by August Spies, anarchist orientation, and another, "The Alarm", in English, led by the socialist Albert Parsons. Alongside them, a brilliant group of agitators, journalists and speakers breathed fiery words peculiar momentum that characterized the workers' struggle in that State. Most of them would go down in history as the "Martyrs of Chicago": Fielden, Schwab, Fischer, Engel, Lingg, Neebe.
bloody denouement
Despite the partial success of some unions, went on strike in Chicago. A single plant was still casting its black smoke over the region: the McCormick farm machinery factory, north of Chicago. The founder of the plant, Cyrus McCormick, had died recently and left in his will a considerable sum of money to build a church. But his successor decided to build the temple by removing the required funds at a discount to their workers, who rejected him. On February 16, 1886 broke the strike. Then, McCormick son hundreds of strikebreakers hired by the Pinkerton brothers and half-day evicted in the factory, which was occupied by workers.
the outbreak of the general strike of May 1, McCormick continued to operate with the work of the strikebreakers, and soon clashes occur between the remaining workers in the city and "yellow." The atmosphere was warm and because the police violently dispersed a rally of 50,000 strikers in downtown Chicago, on May 2. Day 3 was a new manifestation, this time against the McCormick factory, organized by the Union of Woodworkers. I was in the stands the anarchist August Spies, when the bell rang announcing the exit of a turn of strikebreakers. Feel and throw the protesters on the "Scabs" (yellow) were all one. Insults and stones flew into treacherous, when a company of policemen fell over the crowd unarmed and without warning, proceeded to shoot at close range on it. 6 killed and dozens wounded was the outcome of the police action.
Inspired by the killing, Fischer flew to the editor of the "Arbeiter Zeitung", he wrote a vibrant proclaim in which 25,000 leaflets were printed and it would then centerpiece of the prosecution in the process that ended with his hanging. He said:
"Workers: the class war has begun. Yesterday, in front of the McCormick factory, workers were shot. His blood want revenge!
Who can doubt now that the jackals who govern us are eager Worker blood? But workers are not a flock of sheep. The white terror respond to the red terror! Death is preferable to the misery.
shoots
If workers respond in a way that the masters will remember for a long time.
is the need that we cry "To arms!".
Yesterday, women and children of the poor were crying for their husbands and their parents were shot, while in the palaces of the rich wine glasses were filled with expensive and drank to the health of the bandits of order ... Secad
your tears, those who suffer!
Have courage, slaves! Arise. "
The proclamation ended by calling a major protest rally on 4 May, at four pm in Haymarket Square, and ended with the words "work, attend, Show armed with all your strength!" . This phrase (and one that said "To arms!") Were crossed by Spies, director of the press, and he's not specially monitored include typesetters. However, when police later seized the originals, that phrase became published in the core of the prosecution.
gathered in Haymarket about 15,000 people. Most later would be the martyrs of Chicago was at that time in the Writing of the "Arbeiter Zeitung." Parsons was with his wife and two sons with him a worker with whom they would discuss the organization of the seamstresses. Fielden and Schwab were also there. Schwab left the meeting to attend a meeting in Deering. When discussing the introduction of sewers to the struggle for 8 hours, particularly women exploited then working over 15 hours a day, a worker came in saying that English speakers lacked concentration. All left the local newspaper and went there, where Spies occupied the rostrum. He was succeeded by Parsons, who spoke for about an hour. Then, Fielden. The speeches were moderate and the crowd behaved calmly, despite the gravity of the slaughter of the previous day against McCormick.
Mayor of Chicago, Carter H. Harrison, who witnessed the rally to push the environment, went home at the end of Parsons talking, giving orders to the Police Captain Bonfield, in charge of the troops that withdrew. It began to rain, as the culmination of a day cold and wet. Fielden was still in the stands and people began to disperse. Some workers even went Zepto Hall, brewery remained in the vicinity, to follow through its windows the demonstration. In the square, the crowd was already reduced to a few thousand when 180 policemen suddenly advanced on the protesters with the captains in front Bonfield and Ward, who ordered immediate end of the rally and his men take up positions to shoot. Already raised their rifles when, from the shapeless heap of demonstrators, was steaming out an object the size of an orange, which fell between two rows of policemen, picking up a mighty roar and throws away all that were nearby. Sixty police officers were injured and one died immediately in the midst of tremendous confusion. It was the signal to unleash a mad panic and carnage more terrible than the day before. Remade in their ranks and backed by reinforcements, the police charged the crowd wildly, shooting and beating left and right. The balance left a total of 38 workers killed and 115 wounded. Another 6 policemen killed by the bomb reached the hospital.
That same night, Chicago was put under siege, established a curfew and military occupation troops working-class neighborhoods. The next day, the nation was shocked by the events and the mainstream press did not notice anything to slander radicals, anarchists, socialists and foreign workers, especially the Germans. On May 5, "The New York Times" was assumed that the anarchists were guilty of launching the bomb. The police, under Captain Michael Schaack, conducted a raid against 50 alleged "nests" of anarchists and socialists and detained and interrogated in a brutal manner around 300 people.
Police Chief Ebersold, three years later talking about these events, said: "Schaack wanted to keep the tension. I wanted to find bombs everywhere ... And there's something the public does not know. Once disbanded anarchist cells, Schaack wanted to be organized immediately new groups ... I did not want the "conspiracy" pass, wanted to remain important in the eyes of the public. "
The police were more interested in getting evidence against detainees in finding he had thrown the bomb. Offered money and jobs to those offered to testify for the State.
The union local, the daily workers and leaders' homes were raided, savagely beaten them and their families, destroyed his library and furniture, derided and, finally, falsely accused of being the ones who had prepared, transported to Haymarket Square and thrown the bomb that triggered a fierce slaughter. None of the charges could be proven, but all the power of big business, the press and his righteousness, turned to apply an exemplary punishment to those who were leading the agitation for the 8-hour day. Spies, Parsons, Fielden, Fischer, Engel, Schwab, Neebe Lingg and paid with their lives, or jail, the crime of trying to put a time limit to the exploitation of human labor.
The November 11, 1887, a year and a half after the great strike for 8 hours, were hanged in prison in Chicago anarchist and socialist leaders August Spies, Albert Parsons, Adolph Fischer and George Engel. Another, Louis Lingg, committed suicide the day before. The penalty of Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab was commuted to life imprisonment, that is, should die in jail and Oscar W. Neebe was sentenced to fifteen years hard labor. The process had shaken America and the unjust sentence (no charge probárseles) shocked the world. When Spies, Parsons, Fischer and Engel were hanged, anger could not hold, and there were demonstrations against capitalism and judges in major cities worldwide. From there began to be celebrated each May 1 "International Workers Day," commemorating the exact start of the strike for 8 hours and not the aberrant epilogue. But it was the sacrifice of heroes in Chicago which he recorded a fire in the working-class consciousness that unforgettable day.
SPEAK
SENTENCED August 20, 1886, before the full Court was read the verdict of the jury, sentenced to death Spies, Schwab, Lingg, Engel, Fielden, Parsons, Fischer and 15 years of hard labor, Oscar W. Neebe.
were granted the use of the word to those convicted. His speeches are preserved and some fragments of them are reproduced here in the order in which they were delivered. Blood-curdling reading. These are men who knew in advance that they would be sentenced to capital punishment and for a crime he did not commit. His words inspired and prophetic, have a poignancy that the years since then unable to delete.
ADDRESS OF AUGUST SPIES
(Director of the "Arbeiter Zeitung, 31. Born in Central Germany)
" In addressing this Court will do as a representative of a social class to another in front of the class enemy, and start with the same words uttered Venetian character five centuries ago on a similar occasion: "My defense is your charge, my alleged crimes are your history."
I have been accused of complicity in a murder and I am convicted, although the prosecution has not presented any evidence that I know who threw the bomb, or even that in this case has been I less intervention. Only the prosecutor's testimony and that of Bonfield, and the contradictory statements of Thompson and Gillmer, witnesses paid by the police, may make me appear criminal.
And if there is a fact that proves my participation or my responsibility in the matter of the pump, the verdict and execution are just a crime planned and coldly executed Machiavellian, like so many others in the history of persecution political and religious.
committed many crimes have been legal even acting in good faith by the representatives of the State, actually believing the convicted felons. On this occasion, There is no such excuse. By themselves, the state representatives have made most of the testimonies, and have chosen a flawed jury in origin. Before this Court, to the public, I accused the state prosecutor, and Bonfield, infamous conspiracy to kill us.
The Haymarket rally later found such a Legner. This young man followed me, not leaving until I came down from the rostrum, a few seconds before the bomb. He knows that Schwab did not see that afternoon. He also knows that the conversation had not credited me Thompson. She knows it down from the podium to start the pump. Why do the honorable representatives of the State reject this witness that there is nothing socialist? Simply because they prove the perjury of Thompson and the falsity of Gillmer. And the name of Legner was on the list of witnesses for the prosecution. There was, however, called to testify, and the reason is obvious. He was offered $ 500 to abandon the city, and indignantly refused the offer. When I asked about Legner, no one knew about it the honorable, the Honourable Attorney Grinnell, I replied that he had searched without being able to find it! Three weeks later I learned that the young man had been arrested by two policemen brought to Buffalo, New York. Judge who is los asesinos!
Si yo hubiera arrojado la bomba o hubiera sido el causante de que se la arrojara, o hubiera siquiera sabido algo de ello, no vacilaría en afirmarlo aquí... Mas, decís, "habéis publicado artículos sobre la fabricación de dinamita". Y bien, todos los periódicos los han publicado, entre ellos los titulados "Tribune" y "Times", de donde yo los trasladé, en algunas ocasiones, al "Arbeiter Zeitung" ¿Por qué no traéis al estrado a los editores de aquellos periódicos?
Me acusáis también de no ser ciudadano de este país. Resido aquí hace tanto tiempo como Grinnell, y soy tan buen ciudadano como él cuando menos, but did not want to be compared with such character. Grinnell has appealed to the patriotism of the jury unnecessarily and I will reply with the words of an English writer: Patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrels!
What we said in our speeches and in our writings?
We explained to the people their conditions and social relations, we have made seeing social phenomena and laws and the circumstances under which they operate, by means of scientific research have proven over and over again that the wage system is cause of all sins, iniquities so monstrous that cry to heaven. We have stated further that the wage system, as a specific form of social development, would give way, by logical necessity, to higher forms of civilization that this system paved the way and favored the establishment of a cooperative universal, that this is socialism. This or that theory, this or that design for future improvement were not matters of choice but of historical necessity, and for us the trend of progress was that of a sovereign society in which freedom and economic equality all produce a stable equilibrium as a basis and condition of the natural order.
Grinnell has repeatedly said that anarchism is what it is to subdue. Well, anarchist theory belongs to the speculative philosophy. Nothing was talked of anarchy in the Haymarket rally. At that meeting it was only the reduction of working hours. But insisted: "It's anarchy that is judged." If so, on your honor that I like: I sentence you, because I am an anarchist. I think as Burke, and Paine, like Jefferson, and Emerson and Spencer and many other great thinkers of the century, the state of caste and class, the state where a class lives off the work of another kind-a call which order, I think, I say, that this barbaric form of social organization, by robbery and murder laws, is about to disappear and leave soon move to a free society, voluntary association or universal brotherhood, if you prefer. You may, therefore, sentence, honorable jury, but at least you know that here in Illinois, eight men were sentenced to believe in a future welfare, not to lose faith in the ultimate triumph of freedom and justice!
Grinnell has said repeatedly that this is an advanced country. The verdict confirms that assertion!
This verdict leveled against us is the curse of the rich over their despoiled victims, the vast army of employees. But if you think that hanging can contain the labor movement, the constant movement in that move millions of people living in poverty, wage slaves, if you hope to save you, and you think, ahorcadnos! ... Here ye are on a volcano, and there and everywhere, and under, and next, and everywhere there is the Revolution. It is a subterranean fire all mine.
You can not understand this. Do not believe in evil arts, like our predecessors, but believe in conspiracies. I liken the child who seeks his image behind the mirror. What you see in our movement, what scares you is a reflection of your evil conscience. Will you destroy the agitators? Then wipe out the patterns amass fortunes with the labor of workers, finish with landowners who store up treasures that start with the incomes to farmers miserable and squalid ... Suppressing yourself for excitáis revolutionary spirit.
I have already explained my ideas. They are a part of myself. I can not do without them, and if I wanted I could not. And if you think you will have to annihilate these ideas, making more and more ground every day, by sending to the gallows, if once more aplicáis the death penalty for daring to speak the truth and I challenge you to have lied some demostréis time, "I tell you that if death is the penalty for proclaiming the truth imponéis then I am willing to pay such a high price. Ahorcadnos! Truth crucified in Socrates, in Christ, in Giordano Bruno, in John Huss, in Galileo, is still alive, they and many others have preceded us in the past. We are soon to follow! ".
Spies's speech was interrupted constantly by the court, lasted more than 2 hours. He spoke as a visionary, and interruptions seemed to make more forceful and eloquent. STATEMENT BY MICHAEL
SCHWAB (Born in Bavaria, Germany. Typographer. Was 33 years old at the time of trial)
"speak little, and probably will not take off my lips when my silence could not be interpreted as a cowardly assent to the comedy that has just taken place.
Talk of a giant conspiracy. A social movement is not a conspiracy, and we all have done in the light of day. There is no secret whatsoever in our propaganda. Announcing written word and the next revolution, a change in the system of production of all industrial countries of the world, and that change is coming, that change can only come ...
If we keep quiet, talk to the stones. Every day we commit murder, children are slaughtered inhumanely, women perishing work force and men die slowly consumed by their rude tasks, and I never saw that the laws punish these crimes ...
As a worker I am, I have lived through mine, I have stayed in their hovels and caves, I have seen prostitution under the force of the deprivation and misery, and die of hunger-bodied men for lack of work. But this had been known in Europe and harbored the illusion that the so-called land of freedom here in America, not these sad pictures would witness. However, I had occasion to convince me otherwise. In large industrial centers of the United States, more misery in the nations of the Old World. Thousands of workers live in Chicago in rooms filthy, unventilated not enough space, two and three families live crammed into one room and eat scraps of meat and some other vegetables. Diseases are preying on men, women and children, especially in the unfortunate and innocent children. Is not this horrible in a city that is deemed civilized?
Hence, therefore, that there are here more socialist foreign national, even the capitalist press claims to the contrary in order to acknowledge the past to bring the disturbance and disorder from the outside.
Socialism as we understand it, means that land and machinery must be owned by common people. Production should be regulated and organized by producer associations is representing a consumer demands. Under this system all human beings must have sufficient resources to perform useful work, and it is clear that no one stops working.
This is what socialism is proposed. Some say that this is not American. So will let the American people in ignorance, will exploit and rob the American poor American will promote poverty and crime? What have traditional political parties by the people? Promise much and do nothing but corrupt buying votes in the election days. It is natural after all, that in a country where women has to sell his honor for a living, man is forced to sell his conscience ...
"Anarchism is dead," said the prosecutor. Anarchism exists today only as a doctrine, and Mr. Grinnell has no power to kill any doctrine. Anarchism is now an aspiration, but an aspiration to be held one day ... Anarchy is an order without government. It is a mistake to use the word Anarchy as synonymous with violence, they are opposites. In the present state of society, violence is used each time, so we propagate violence too, but only against violence as a necessary means of defense. "
SPEECH OSCAR Neeb
(Born in Philadelphia, of German parents, was not working, but yeast salesman in a company owned by his family. From his teens worked in favor of the dispossessed and organized several major trade unions. He was sentenced to 15 years)
"In recent days I have learned what is the law, because before I did not. I knew I could be convicted of a crime from knowing Spies, Fielden and Parsons ...
Prior to May 4 and I had committed other crimes. My job selling yeast had contacted me with bakers. I saw that the bakers of this city were treated like dogs ... And then I said: "These men have to organize, in the organization there is strength." And helped organize. It was a great crime. Those men now, instead of working fourteen to sixteen hours, working ten hours a day ... And more: I made a worse crime ... One morning, when she went back and forth with my stuff, I saw that the workers of the breweries in the city of Chicago came to work at four in the morning. Came home at seven or eight at night. No family ever saw, not his children never saw the light of day ... I set to work and organized.
On the morning of 5 May I knew I had been arrested Spies and Schwab, and that was also when I had the first news of the conclusion of the Haymarket rally during the previous evening. After I finished my chores, I went to the offices of the Arbeiter Zeitung, where I was when it was raided the newspaper ... Twenty
police raided my house the same day and found a revolver and a red flag, a square foot, with my son playing frequently.
I do not think that only the anarchists and socialists have weapons at home ... Have shown that organized labor associations that have worked for the reduction of hours, I've done everything I could for republishing the "Arbeiter Zeitung": hence my crimes. Well, I am appalled by the idea that I ahorquéis, honorable judges, because a quick death is preferable to the slow death we live. I have family, I have kids, and if they know that their father is dead I cry and collect his body for burial. They can visit his grave, but may not, otherwise, enter the prison to kiss one convicted of a crime he did not commit. This is what I have to say. I beseech you: let me share in the fate of my companions! Ahorcadme with them! ". SPEECH
ADOLF FISCHER (born in Bremen, Germany. Journalist. He was 30 years)
"will not speak much, only I have to protest against the death penalty imponéis me because I have not committed any crime. I've been treated here as a murderer and I just proved that I am an anarchist. But if I am to be hanged for professing my ideas, for my love of liberty, equality and brotherhood, then I have no objection. If death is the penalty corresponding to our burning passion for the redemption of mankind, then I say high: dispose of my life.
Although I am one of those who paved the Haymarket rally, I have nothing to do with the issue of the pump. I do not deny that I have attended such a meeting, but this meeting ... (You will be close, then the defense, Mr. Solomon, advising him not to continue in this tone, it is not convenient, etc.). ... You are very kind, Mr. Solomon. I know what I'm saying: Now, the Haymarket meeting was not convened to commit any crime, was, however, called to protest the abuses and killings of police at the McCormick factory.
few hours before the rally in Haymarket had had a meeting to take the initiative to convene this popular event. I was commissioned to take care of me find speakers and drafting the flyers. I fulfilled this request by inviting him to speak Spies at the rally and sending print twenty-five thousand flyers. In the original were the words "Workers, come armed!": I had my reasons to write, not wanting that, as in other cases, workers were gunned down with impunity, helpless. When Spies saw the original, refused to take part in the rally if those words were deleted. I agreed to his wishes, and Spies spoke at Haymarket. This is all I have to do with the matter of the meeting ...
I have not committed any crime in my life. But here is an individual who is on track to become a criminal and a murderer, and that individual is Mr. Grinnell, who has bought false witnesses in order to sentence them to death. I denounce this publicly. If you think this barbaric verdict aniquiláis our ideas, you are wrong because they are immortal. This verdict is given a death blow to freedom of press, freedom of thought, freedom of speech in this country. The people will take note. Is all I have to say. "
LOUIS SPEECH LINGG
(It was the only defendant actually willing to use terrorist methods, expert also in making bombs. Carpenter. He was 22. He was born in Germany)
"I accuse of neglecting law and order. And what's the law and order? Their representatives are the police, and between them there are many thieves. Here sits Captain Schaack. Confessed to me that my hat and my books had disappeared from his office, removed by police. That is your property rights advocates!
I repeat that I am against the current order and repeat again that it will fight with all my might while breathing. I declare again that I'm frankly and openly in favor of the means of force. I said to Captain Schaack, and I maintain that if you empleáis against us your rifles and guns, we will use against you dynamite. You laugh because you're probably thinking: "I do not throw more bombs." Well let me assure you I die happy, because I'm sure that hundreds of workers who have spoken will remember my words, and when we have been hanged, they will set off the bomb. In this hope, I say: I scorn, despise your order, your laws, your strength, your authority! Ahorcadme! ".
ADDRESS OF GEORGE ENGEL
(German by birth, had emigrated to the U.S. in 1873, settling first in New York and Philadelphia. Typographer and journalist. I had 50 years to be hanged in Chicago)
"It's the first time they appear before an American court, and he accuses me of murder. So why am I here? Why am I accused of murderer? For the same I had to leave Germany, poverty, the misery of the working class.
Again, in this "free republic" in the richest country in the world, there are many workers who have no place in the banquet of life as social outcasts and drag out a miserable life. Here I have seen human beings looking for something to eat in piles of garbage from the streets.
When in 1878 I came to this city, I thought to find more livelihoods easily here than in Philadelphia, where I had been impossible to live longer. But my disappointment was complete. I began to understand that the worker is no difference between New York, Philadelphia or Chicago and not between Germany and the republic as weighted. A fellow workshop made me understand scientifically the reason why in this rich country can not live decently the proletariat. I bought more books to enlighten me, and I, who had been political in good faith, I despise politics and elections and also understood that all parties were degraded ... Then I joined the International Workers Association. The members of this association are convinced that only by force can emancipate the workers, according to what history teaches. In it we learn that the force freed the first settlers of this country, that force was only abolished slavery, and was hanged the first in the country stirred public opinion against slavery, we're going to be hanged.
What is my crime?
I have worked in the establishment of a social system it is impossible that while a pile million using the machines, others fall into degradation and misery. So as water and air are free for all, land and inventions of men of science must be used to benefit everyone. Your laws are in opposition to Nature, and through them have robbed the masses the right to life, liberty and welfare ...
In the night he was thrown the first bomb in this country, I was in my house. I did not know a word of the conspiracy that claims to have discovered the prosecution.
is true that I have relationships with my co-process, but some only know them by seeing them in workers' meetings. I do not deny either that I have spoken at several meetings, stating that if every worker carrying a bomb in his pocket, soon to be demolished the prevailing capitalist system. That's my opinion and my desire.
I do not the capitalists individual combat, to combat the system that gives the privilege. My most ardent desire is that employees know who their enemies and who are your friends. Everything else I despise, scorn the power of a lawless government, their police and spies. I have nothing more to say. " SPEECH
Samuel Fielden (Pastor Methodist and textile worker. He was 39. He was born in England)
"Having noted that there is something wrong in our social system, I attended several union meetings and compared what they said workers with my own observations. But he did not know the remedy for social ills. But discussing and analyzing things in vogue now, some people told me that socialism meant equality of conditions, and this was the teaching. I realized then that truth, and since I was a socialist. I learned more and more, I recognized the medicine to combat social evils, and as I judged with the right to propagate, spread the disease. The United States Constitution when he says "the right to free speech can not be denied" give every citizen, grants each individual the right to express their thoughts. I have invoked the principles of socialism and the social economy and for this, and only for this reason I am here and I'm sentenced to death ...
I am accused of stirring the passions, I am accused of arson because I said that society degrades man to reduce it to the category of animal Walk! Go to the homes of the poor, and you will see them piled up in the smallest space possible, breathing an infernal atmosphere of sickness and death ...
The social issue is a matter of both European and American. In large industrial centers of the United States carries a worker miserable, poor women are prostitutes to live, children die prematurely destroyed by the arduous tasks they have to engage, and a large part of your daily also is impoverished. Where is the difference from country to country?
you brought here to the bourgeois press correspondents to prove my revolutionary language, and I have shown that our meetings have been going our adversaries ... and, in short, I say that these journalists are men who do not depend on themselves, they are not free to act at the instigation of others, and so can accuse of a crime that proclaimed the most virtuous of all men. A citizen of Washington who came here to fight us in 1880 has written repeatedly offering state that our meetings were not intended to arouse the people to prey, as you say, but simply to the discussion of economic issues. Twenty more witnesses were prepared to confirm the same. This was in the event that we are accused in that direction. But here we saw that what was actually accused us of "anarchists", and therefore these witnesses did not come because they were not necessary ...
If I judge convicted of having propagated socialism, and I do not deny it, then ahorcadme for telling the truth ...
If you want my life by invoking the principles of socialism, as I understand that I have invoked in favor of humanity, I am happy and I think the price is insignificant in the great results of our sacrifice ...
I love my brothers, workers, like myself. I hate tyranny, evil and injustice. The nineteenth century is guilty of hanging his best friends. It will soon sound the hour of repentance. Today the sun shines for Humanity, but since you can not enlighten us more happy days, I feel happy to die, especially if my death can overtake a minute of your happy day that shine better for workers. I think there will come a time when the ruins of corruption will rise the splendid morning emancipated world, free from all evils, all monstrous anachronisms of our time and our outdated institutions. "
ADDRESS OF ALBERT PARSONS
(38 years, former candidate for U.S. presidency, was born in the South, in Alabama, and fought in the Civil War. Then left fortune and family-that, step, it was repudiated by marrying a Mexican woman of Indian origin, to engage in the spread of socialist ideas)
"You ask what basis there is for grant a new proof of my innocence. I will answer and tell you that your verdict is the verdict of passion engendered by the passion and realized, finally, by the passion of the city of Chicago. Therefore, I demand the suspension of the sentence and a new test immediately. What is passion? Is the suspension of reason, elements of insight, reflection and justice needed to get to know the truth. You can not deny that your statement is the result of hatred of the bourgeois press, the monopolists of capital, labor exploiters ...
there in the United States, according to the census of 1880, sixteen million two hundred thousand laborers. These are the industry by creating all the wealth of this country. The laborer is one who lives on a salary and has no other means of subsistence that the sale of their work hour after hour, day after day, year after year. His work is all his property has no more than his strength and his hands. Of those sixteen million laborers, only nine million men, the other, women and children ...
Now, gentlemen, I, as a worker, I stated that he believed the righteous cries of the working class, have defended their right to freedom and to have the work and the fruits of their labor ...
This process has begun and has brought against us, inspired by the capitalists, who believe that the people have no more than a right and a duty of obedience.
Do you think, gentlemen, that when our bodies have been dumped in the pit will be over? Do you think the war will end strangling social barbarously? Ah, no! On your verdict will be the American people and the world, to show you your injustice and social injustices that lead to the gallows ...
I was free and away from Chicago when I saw that it had set the date for the hearing of this process. Judging me feeling guilty and also it was my duty to stand with my colleagues and meet with them, if need be, the sentence, which was also my duty here to defend the rights of workers and the cause of freedom and fighting oppression, came back without hesitation this city. I went to the house of my friend Miss Ames, Morgan street. I brought my wife and talked to her some time. Notice sent to Captain Black, saying they were here soon to show up and be a prisoner. He said it was willing to meet me. I came and found him at the door of this building, we got together and appeared before this Tribunal. I have only to add: even now I have nothing repent. "
(Parsons's speech lasted eight hours and delivered in two sessions, 8 and 9 October 1886). Pronounced
death sentences, there was great popular mobilization in the United States and some European countries to achieve annul the sentence. In Berlin, Paris and London were massive street rallies against the ruling. In the made in the capital spoke English playwright George Bernard Shaw, anarchist theorist Peter Kropotkin, the socialist William Morris and the Theosophist Annie Besan. But more direct pressure was exerted in Chicago itself. Was achieved only after hundreds of thousands of applications, contrasolicitudes, hearings and events, the Supreme Court of the State of Illinois saw the case, but this only served to confirm the sentence.
The governor of Illinois, Oglesby, received a petition with more than 200,000 signatures in which they urged him to spare the lives of the prisoners. He also read a letter from Parsons, where he said that, having been convicted of murder for the mere fact of having attended the rally at Haymarket, requested the temporary suspension of the implementation, so that his wife and children, also had been present at the meeting, could be tried, sentenced and executed along with him. As you read these words, Governor Oglesby said, "My God, what a horrible thing!", And would have more of the case.
Meanwhile, the big corporate media in the United States raised tempers featuring inmates as "harmful beasts" who deserve "the full extent of the law" and urged for its early implementation.
The anguish of the families of those facing increasing day by day. They, defiant, awaiting the outcome without fear. At the edge of the scaffold, August Spies conquered (only with his good looks, she sees from afar, and their ideas and words) the love of a distinguished young man of Chicago, Nina van Zand. José Martí wrote: "Turn of the haughty beauty and humanitarian dogma Spies, he was offered a wife at the threshold of death, and his mother's hand, a distinguished family, was married to the prisoner, took his gate day upon day comfort from his love, books and flowers; published with their savings, to find resources to defense, the arrogance and short autobiography of his betrothed, and went to throw knees at the feet of the governor to ask for mercy " .
The wife of Albert Parsons, Lucy, of Mexican origin, meanwhile, toured the United States, "here rejected, there whistled, prey there, followed by workers today tearful morning farmers who cast as a witch, after hordes of cruel little boys to "paint the world the horror of the wretched condition of these breeds," a thousand times greater than that of means proposed by anarchists to finish. "
Until came the day of "meets" in the sentence. On November 10, 1887, the day before, Louis Lingg took from his curly hair a tiny bomb in a cigarette that had hidden there, lit the flame of the candle of his cell and brought to the mouth . It completely destroyed the face, neck and larynx and died six hours later. Governor Oglesby commuted the same night, the eve of execution, the death penalty by Schwab and Fielden to life imprisonment. Three days earlier, Engel had tried to take a bottle of laudanum to kill himself, but had been shocked by their jailers, who nursed him carefully in order to hang him as required by law. EXECUTION
The November 11, 1887 legal crime was consummated. Engel, Spies, Parsons and Fischer were hanged. Among the journalists who covered that tragic news in Chicago was José Martí, whose account of the final act was published in the newspaper "La Nación" Buenos Aires, on 1 January 1888. For unsurpassed eloquence and realism, we reproduce here (his pen) the story of those minutes made dramatic lived so close.
"And late at night and all dark in the prison corridor painted lime green, over the passage of the guards with a shotgun on his shoulder, over the paging and laughs of guards and journalists, mixing time time to a key ring, over the incessant pounding of the telegraph that the "Sun" of New York was established in the same corridor ... over the silence over all these noises are hung, the last hammering could be heard on the scaffold carpenter. At the end of the corridor stood the gallows.
"Oh, the strings are good, and tested the keeper.
The executioner speaks, hidden in the booth on the merits of the strings that hold the latch of the trap.
"The trap is firm, about ten feet off the ground ... No, the jib beams are not new, they have been painted to look like ocher well this time, because everything has to be decent, very decent ... Yes, the military is to hand and the jail will not bring anyone ... Lingg it sure was beautiful ...
Laughter, snuff, brandy, choking smoke in their cells for the prisoners awake. In the thick, humid air sizzle, cocean, block, electric lights. Motionless on the railing of the cells, facing the gallows a cat ... When suddenly a voice melodious, full of strength and meaning, the voice of one of these men who are supposed human beasts, trembling first, followed vibrant, pure and then calmly, like someone you feel free of dust and bonds resounded in the cell of Engel, who, rapt in ecstasy, reciting "The Weaver" by Heinrich Heine, as offering to the sky spirit, with both arms raised:
"With dry eyes, mournful, fiery
gnashing their teeth,
sits on her loom weaver;
Germania
old, your hood darn! Three
curses on the web We hatched;
On, on the weaver! Cursed
false God in vain imploring
winter
tyrant
starving the giants in his workshop;
In vain was the complaint and hope!
In God we laughed, war and revenge.
On, on the weaver!
false Cursed King of powerful
whose chest proudly
touched our mortal anguish!
The last doubloon robs us,
like dogs and then the King will kill us!
On, on the weaver!
Cursed flourishing state wrong,
as ivy grows
rate
vast and the public disgrace;
where the flower fans storm
and worm Podre is based!
On, on the weaver!
Run, run without fear, my fabric!
runs well, night and day! Earth
accursed land without honor,
your hood with a firm hand darning,
three times, three the curse We hatched:
On, on the weaver! "
And breaking into sobs, Engel was left sitting on his bunk down, burying his face in the palms aged. Muda had heard the entire prison, and praying one, the prisoners looking out to the bars, quivering and the jailers of journalists, hold the telegraph, medium lay Spies, Parsons standing in his cell with open arms, as one will take flight.
Dawn Engel surprised talking to his guards, with the word voluble of death row sets curious about his life as a conspirator, Spies, strengthened by the long sleep, to Fischer, dressing slowly took off the clothes to start the night to rest better, to Parsons, whose lips move constantly, jumping on their clothes, after a short sleep hysterical.
- Oh, Fischer, how can you be so calm, when the governor has to give the signal of your death, red for not mourn, walks like a beast of warden?
"Because," answered Fischer, driving a trembling hand on the guard's arm and looking him squarely in the eye, I believe that my death will help the cause with which I espoused since I started my life and I love more than life itself, the cause of the worker and partly because my sentence is illegal and unfair.
Engel
"But now that it's 8 am, when only two hours you have left to die, when in the goodness of the faces in the affection of greetings in the murky meowing cat in tracking of voices, and feet, you read that blood freezes you, why did not tremble, Engel?
- tremble because I have overcome those who would have wanted me to win? This world does not seem right, and I have struggled and fought to die now, to create a just world. What I care about my death to be a judicial murder? Is there a man who has embraced a cause so glorious as we want to live when you can die for it? No, warden, I do not want drugs, I want to port wine! And one upon another, drink three glasses ...
Spies, legs crossed, as when he painted for the "Arbeiter Zeitung" the universe happy, color of flame and blood, who happen to this civilization of thugs and mastiffs, write long letters, read them slowly, puts slowly in their envelopes, and time and again left to rest the pen to take to the air, leaning back in his chair, as the German students, puffs and smoke rings. Oh Patria, root of life, even those who deny you for the love larger to Humanity, you go and comfort such as air and as light a thousand subtle ways! "Yes, warden," says Spies, drink a glass of Rhine wine. "
Fischer, when the silence began to be anxious at that moment in executions as at banquets all concurrent silent both as to formal appearance, broke the face illuminated by adventurous smile, in the verses of " La Marseillaise, "which he sang with his face to the sky ... Parsons, great strides measured the room ... Turns itself toward the gate ... gestures, he argues, shakes his fist raised, and the word uproar by giving to the lips, he dies like quicksand confused and perish the waves.
fire
sun filled the cells of the four defendants, when a sudden noise, the quick steps, the ominous whisper, the warden and the guards that appear on their bars, the color of blood without visible light causes the atmosphere, they announce what they hear without flinching, that is one time!
They leave their cells at the narrow passage. "Well?". "Well!". They shake hands, smile, grow, "Come."
The doctor had been encouraging. A Fischer and Spies brought with them new clothes, Engel does not want to take off her slippers of yarn. I read the sentence to each one in his cell, his arms are the body Cinch with a leather belt, throw them over the head, as the Christian catechumens robe, a white shroud, down, the audience sat in rows of chairs in front of the scaffold, as in a theater!
're coming down the passage of the cells at the top of which stands the gallows before the governor is livid, next to each inmate up a bracket. Spies is a serious step, piercing blue eyes, back combed hair, white as his own shroud, magnificent forehead, Fischer remains robust and powerful, teaching by the neck the blood strong, enhanced by the shroud of sturdy members. Engel is after the manner of one who goes to a friendly house, shaking the executioner uncomfortable heels. Parsons, as if he had no fear of dying, fierce, determined, closed the procession at a brisk pace. Just the corridor, and set foot in the trap, the hanging ropes, spiked heads, the four shrouds.
Prayer is the face of Spies, that of Fischer, firmness, that of Parsons, pride rabid Engel, who makes her laugh with a joke to his clasp, he has sunk his head on the back. They tied the legs, one after the other with a belt. A first Spies, Fischer, Engel, Parsons, throw them on the head as the extinguishers on the spark plugs, the four caps. And echo the voice of Spies, while covering ahead of its peers, with an accent that those who hear him will come in the flesh; "The voice is going to stifle most powerful in the future that few words I could say now." Fischer says, as the guard serves Engel: "This is the happiest moment of my life."
"Hurrah for anarchy!" Says Engel, who had been moving under the shroud their hands tied to the warden. "Men and women of my beloved America ...", Parsons starts saying ... A sign, a noise, the trap gives the four bodies fall at once into the air, spinning and crashing. Parsons has died after falling, turn quickly, and stops; Fischer swings, retiembla wants zafar knot the neck, leg stretches and shrinks, dies Engel executioner swings in floating up and down her chest like a tidal wave and drowned, Spies in frightful dance, spinning like a sack hanging grimace , bends, stands aside, is given in the forehead with their knees, raise one leg, extend the two, shaking the arms, drums, and at last expired, a broken neck forward, nodding to the audience ".
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