publish a document Simón Rodríguez Movement Educators December 2010 but with full force. Facilitates understanding of the executions of despotic regime in the area of \u200b\u200beducation. We are informed that they are preparing a paper with the resolution of imparting military education promaria, just what we will know culminate
Some general
Venezuela is a capitalist country. Venezuelan society prevailing capitalist relations of production. In turn, the country is articulated to the global capitalist system, therefore we play a particular role in the international division of labor. Finally, we are part of the imperialist chain of U.S. imperialism. These ideas allow us to pinpoint the problem more central to tackling the issue education. Let's place that are prevailing social relations, which will determine, ultimately, the nature of the legal changes that implements the function of preserving order. Whatever form of domination that acquires the bourgeois state, its role will be to ensure these relationships, especially in circumstances where there are conditions for social revolution, being the capitalist relations as a brake on the development of productive forces such a degree that has created this situation.
This information is critical, since the Venezuelan capitalism found in the Chavez regime the opportunity to channel the revolutionary tendency after an order relegitimadoras perspective. Thus, by implementing such a political regime, in this very particular form of domination, the bloc's strategic aspiration hegemonic domination is overcome even this revolutionary situation in Venezuela. Hiding behind the masquerade socialist Venezuelan oligarchy, now fed by new factors from precisely the political regime has managed to divert the revolutionary trend looking distorted, its extreme bastardization, but have not reached the goal.
Roughly, the Chávez is a despotic regime, which is expressed by the left-wing revisionism was the preamble, in their philosophical and political conceptualizations of the fascist regimes of Europe. This is what explains the features that emerge from fascist irrationalism behind his philosophical ideas in politics. However, the key is finding the despotic nature of the oil wealth and management, the foundation. Precisely because it is despotic, by a centralization of power that reaches from the control exercised by the President on the immense resources that holds the oil revenue. Despotism, with the socialist discourse, coupled with the increasing centralization of the political apparatus, coupled with militarism, summarizes the characteristics core regime.
With the things we must locate some general circumstances in order to get into the subject at hand more precisely, that is, we must start with some general principles that help explain the educational fact, concretely. First, locate the Venezuelan economic structure is configured from both the development of productive forces under conditions of dependent capitalism, and the role of Venezuela in the international division of labor. The financial oligarchy hegemonizes the economic process of ever more entrenched, being built by the banking sector, large industrial monopolies and agro-industrial group headed by the Polar Saica, major importers, along with fields closely related to the oil sector. This sector, along with the leadership of the military caste, the section of the intelligentsia Chavez and the leadership of the PSUV and other minority parties want to consolidate the dominant bloc that has guided the destiny of the country in the last decade. However, the economic structure is not limited to dominant bloc. The sectors of small and medium bourgeoisie, small landowners in the rural and urban, the middle class in general, professionals, farmers and workers, define the composition that embodies the economic structure of Venezuela. Structural changes in the last two decades are reflected in the way it has strengthened the financial oligarchy in the context of the role of Venezuela in the DIT. But just as these changes are reflected in the breakdown of the bourgeoisie that lingers in the economic process and the loss of areas by sectors previously linked to the two-party system. The deindustrialization of Venezuela is a major determinant of the effects on economic structure, affecting both the bourgeoisie and the decline in relative terms the Venezuelan working class and the loss, therefore, its political impact. Finally, the increase also lumpenisation part of this process.
This structure, hegemonized by the oligarchy and guided by the dominant coalition, has demanded superstructural changes embodied in the Constitution and the laws have given legal ground for the development of dependent capitalism in Venezuela. The Constitution and laws, in essence, a summary of the demands of capital. Only the superstructure is not limited to that. Moreover, as a result of the way of domination enthroned, the changes include, should include aspects that go beyond the highly centralized legal order by the messianic figure of Chavez, the despot. Culture, art forms, are affected and oriented in that direction. The inability of the rulers, the political apparatus, and the resistance they have encountered in the masses, as well as various political factors ranging from the reactionary and revolutionary, progressive and democratic, is what has made some aspects not have achieved greater development, but the intention has not been lacking. But in general aesthetics, the arts, various cultural events have tended to strengthen the role of farce. It was expected that the educational apparatus found the same fate. Only, the fighting in this area has been greater. Whether you have had back in their aspirations to mount a device education more in line with the shed.
Moreover, the social relations of capitalist production, there are more than those who rely on the exploitation of the working man by the owner of the means of production, depending on the production of surplus value. The working man is nothing but capitalist variable capital, which take hold according to their needs for funding. This capital must be played and trained in specific terms, according to the demands of capital. Behold one of the fundamental tasks of the capitalist state, reproduce the capital. Is the fact that social and human development of the working class. Before placing
some of the general elements of this process, it is pertinent to note that the resources available to the capitalist state from the exploitation of labor. Recall that the source of wealth is human labor. This wealth is distributed unevenly. A fund for wages, the wage of production, one that produces surplus value, is canceled regularly, but the wages fund of state workers, such income is obtained that captures the collecting institution, which is only a portion of the surplus produced by workers and carried out in the terms of trade. But equally, the productive worker is deprived of part of his wages have to pay value added tax, VAT, as part of their wages in the same way will be part of the state resources used to reproduce the capital variable. These resources are going to allow the state to invest not only in the general conditions of reproduction of the capitalist mode of production but also some of these resources will be allocated to education, health and other services, that is, to play workforce, the capital variable.
Thus, we can locate the educational event in the framework of capitalist relations of production, bourgeois relations, focuses on two key issues: the power play work and strengthen superstructural aspects that legitimize the capitalist relations of production, whether under the masquerade socialist. In connection with the reproduction of the labor force and more specifically with the reproduction of capital variable, remember their historic character, so that the quality of that process must enroll on the needs of capital in Venezuela. This is the reason for that is nested high above the amount of quality, from the nature of the production system and work processes that require more work made simple than complex.
Regarding superstructural elements, we can expect a strengthening of eclecticism in the field of philosophical ideas, as well as those that seek to legitimize the staging of socialist parody, full of contradictions, which seek to provide a basis for despotism. Hence the irrationality, mythology, the Messianic idea, among others, expressed in the deformation history, but above all, in the deformation analysis of social and political development.
II .- The Ploče and the educational question in the Chavez regime
These considerations are what allow us to locate the item in question more concrete. The education system, curriculum and pedagogical project should qualify for those general determinations. This is what explains an offensive ideologizing around something that does not exist or is of "socialism" with the repetition of key categories of the modern capitalist state, for example the principle of solidarity, amid claims of state teacher . Or, the rhetoric about socialism raised by Chavez and the principle of societal or somewhat abstract responsibility laid down in Article 101 of Ploče. Equity is one of the euphemisms that are repeated in the Ploče. It's like the concept of equality before the law coined by the bourgeois revolutions. These principles will not be made while not changing the social relations of production and nor be made citizens' rights. In turn, place it is a euphemism denoting distribution based on natural law, that is, based on the law of value, to be exact. Than the criterion and the principle of equality established from scientific socialism. That is, categories overlap as part of disguise, with those that are inherent in capitalist continuity under certain conditions.
We have stated that as the revisionist socialist garb just to mask the continuation of capitalist relations of production and exchange, and semi-colonial status of our country against imperialism, must be present in all aspects of legal and political superstructure of the regime. The educational fact does not escape this fact. Moreover, especially the educational event, should be full of revisionism. We believe that the Chavez falls short in presenting this Ploče, if we take into account that reduce the role of government experience to a set of principles that they may be present in any form of expression of the modern bourgeois state. Just more solidarity coin several times, leaving this fundamental to the socialist relations of production, but not coin the term socialism. So that the Ploče is a step backwards compared to previous projects, as well as ideas and discourses developed especially for the "big brother." It seems that rules the view that it is a law to these circumstances, seeking to create conditions for later, and finally implement a law "socialist." Although we are of the idea of \u200b\u200bactually prevailing elements in correspondence with the demands of capital than anything else, but at the same time try to introduce aspects that enable the consolidation of the prevailing forms of domination. We
place, therefore, that education, being part of both the reproduction process of variable capital, and the legal and political superstructure in terms of legitimizing the capitalist order, it is conceivable that sums up the dominant ideology, whether one speaks of the spread of freedom of thought. Education, in turn, spreads doctrinal thesis of bourgeois ideology. Just as Christianity does coin the term free will as an element that ends up being essential to economic liberalism, just as in forms of domination revisionist thesis seeks legitimacy from mythological aspects and this, one of the most complex the discussion of the educational situation in Venezuela. More broadly, formal education, in any case and in any capitalist country, sums up not only an ideology, but, equally, will strengthen doctrinal thesis in vogue by the ruling classes and more specifically by the hegemonic segment of the bourgeoisie. The fact that implements the principle of freedom of thought and freedom of expression and propagation of the various schools of thought is not at all carried out in terms of real equality. On the contrary, will be the dominant ideology takes hold, with the corresponding superstructure.
In Venezuela, things become more complex under the present conditions since the rule of a regime that word is presented as a socialist. Thus, one of the most important weapons for its legitimacy has been precisely the spread of the ideas of socialism, class struggle, coupled with resentment and hatred, support bases of the philosophical ideas of political irrationalism you very own fascist regimes. Hence the reactionary perspectives clash, one sometimes also charged irrationalism or from positions of bourgeois liberalism simply own some of the principles and statements of the modern state. In the first case we find the signs that state that it is a strategy to mount the communist project, castro communist, or other similar appellation, in the educational event. In the second are presented considerations are based bourgeois standard of equality, freedom and free will, among others.
Hence we must not blackmail the government, which says to go towards socialism, or those who raise or liberal bourgeois reactionary thesis. We must start from criticism from the Marxist perspective. Moreover, we assert that the only way to make a critique of scientific rigor Chavez project, therefore, from giving a progressive perspective, it is precisely from Marxist-Leninist analysis of the educational event as well as the proposed scheme. And based on that method is as essential aspects of the project are located, showing its true character class that goes Beyond the basic principles and values \u200b\u200bof bourgeois right.
From this orientation, we must place the criticism of some philosophical considerations that are present in the Ploče, as well as the statements from the regime are being minted. Findings make it clear that we must establish criteria that demand the academic freedom and the assumption that the educational event is the encounter of different currents of thought and the principle that the dominant ideology is the ideology of the ruling classes only that this time is in the form of a vulgar and primitive revisionism. It is this last statement that allows us to locate the claim presented in some articles of his own ideas of postmodernism, that is, the philosophical ideas of the financial oligarchy at this stage of development of monopoly capitalism. For example, we set position on the implementation of the criterion of complexity underlying the "Aims of Higher Education Article 30" by stating that: "... their service functions to society and, more specifically, efforts to eradicate poverty, intolerance, violence, illiteracy, hunger, environmental degradation and disease, with an interdisciplinary approach and transdisciplinary in order to analyze the problems faced. " Let's place this is a bootleg of the ideas of postmodernism which, although it has been reduced in this Ploče, is an essential element that may well serve the negation of the criterion of truth, science, and more broadly denial of dialectical development. That should be part of the debate in relation to the pedagogical and curricular project. Instead of claiming the dialectical element in the understanding of society to build socialism, appeal to the metaphysical current of the oligarchy.
For its part, the conceptualization of the State Teachers' quite advanced in the Bill, however, we must pause in this sense from a historical perspective. First, it is conceivable that the state, capitalism and, in general, in any society, must be a teacher. Logically, in the capitalist state is when this feature becomes more elaborate connotations, since the reproduction of the workforce is articulated industrial developments, both scientific and technological developments that require greater attention from all points of view. One thing is to capture a slave, and this is the labor force in slavery, and other form a factory worker. In both cases, the State, in the first case slave state and the second the capitalist state apparatus which ensures the reproduction of the labor force, and in both cases it is a valued commodity, only if the slave is sold by a third, while The second case is the worker who does motu proprio itself.
Let's place, in this vein that variable capital is that it adds new value makes the value varies in the production process, which prop up the value. Meanwhile, the only constant capital adds value in a process objectified past. Hence the name assigned to work out or last job. This is what allows us to explain the variable capital be formed, should play in a concrete way, that is, according to historically specific conditions. Be reproduced for the purposes of procreation and education, in line with the development of the productive process and, more specifically, in our case, with the development of our productive apparatus atrophied because of the dependency relations with imperialism. Thus, the state teacher summarizes a condition of the capitalist state itself, is nothing new. Moreover, in the current conditions of global capitalism, bankrupt liberal orientation, it is supposed to develop policies for the consolidation of similar developments to those present in the initial period the two-party system. However, in Ploče, it adopts the principle of shared responsibility. Let's place that one of the meanings of neoliberal policies has been the vision of parentocracia, most commonly categorized as corporate education, where the company shares much of the inescapable responsibility of the State, in the case of free, compulsory, supervision and funding. This regime claiming to be socialist deepens neoliberal practice in education today and in the new law would give the legal framework. No one could conceive an Education Act which adulterate the condition of society. Therefore, the state's duty is to provide the right and a responsibility of society is to enforce it.
What more tenor, from the perspective of the scheme is looking to have control over the educational event, seeking to implement mechanisms and forms of "participation." We could say that this is the most dangerous of Ploče, even when not clearly reflected, at least a first product released discussion. This has been reflected more clearly in the speeches of the ministers and the president, for guidance. In the V Collective teachers, as well as Ministerial Resolution 004 on school boards to evaluate the performance of the teaching profession, is located a spirit that goes in that direction.
Thus, the question is presented Ploče in the creation of some institutions that go in this direction, such as the Federal Council of Education, State Councils of Education, Educational Single State Authority and the Municipal Networks Educational Institutes , which form a stagehands would aim to exercise control over teaching, the teacher and, in general, the educational event. However, because they are forms of citizen participation, this could be reversed against the government whenever any form of democratization, even if you have the intent to control can end up attacking centralism government, where participation has been present for the sign subversive or at least opposition. The experience of citizens' assemblies, then the communal councils, are reflections of this statement. So many doubts have been created in the government reserves a product of citizen participation in these spaces eventually seek other forms of "participation" as the communes. At the end of the bourgeois democracy denies direct democracy and citizen participation tends, naturally, to create conditions for democracy, both in the sense that they require to realize the importance of public opinion, and the expression lift your consciousness. Hence bourgeois democracy takes hold in the representation and reduce the stake to vote to appoint the representatives. Thus, the regime has been instantiated seeking to tame the town but, given the democratic circumstances, coupled with the contradictions created as a result of financial constraints, corruption, inefficiency, among others, together with participation in terms of democratic sense that driving, such spaces are closed, unless operate blackmail people. Thus, the provisions of Ploče "educational communities, as managers of educational institutions shall be constituted with representatives of management, teaching, and administrative workers, parents, guardians and students, "is a matter that must be considered within these considerations. As long as the evaluation from such instances do not violate the professional status of teaching in the educational process within the academic parameters, and other considerations that need training, these instances and this content, they may be oriented towards education leaving open the possibility of raising the consciousness of those who make up the educational community, parents and representatives, students and educators, as well as workers.
III. About
alternative
The question proactive must go in two directions. On the one hand, we are of the view that education in socialism must be guided by the principle of linking education with work, since it is a society which seeks precisely the claim of working in a process of alienation. In turn, we understand that the raising of consciousness is part of the new superstructure and the liberation of productive forces. In the present circumstances, we must propagate secular education, scientific, democratic and popular, and some principles which are certainly set in Ploče, but must be stripped of the intention of the scheme. This involves the unmasking of many of the content, for example, talk of national consciousness, internationalist, etc., but, in turn, the perspectives that fall within these principles serve nothing, to be enrolled in an economic policy dependence deepens and the Venezuelan state semi-colonial status. Thus, raising the idea of \u200b\u200ban educational project, teaching and curriculum in the national interest and people must be enrolled in an alternative program of democratic change and popular.
More specifically, the alternative proposal must involve an educational project and a curriculum project, whose foundations we find Marxist theory in general issues concerning the education event in terms of capitalism and the educational alternative in the midst of them. That is, education in terms of deepening class struggle, creating awareness for the revolution, education for democracy and participation in the classroom, in turn strengthening the scientific spirit.
Within this guidance we place teacher evaluation, which should be considered from a perspective that respects academic freedom, claiming his mission, and professional status of teaching. In turn, the evaluation should serve to assess both the teacher as the political, social and academic in which it operates. The evaluation, therefore, involves an assessment of the state, government, national and regional as well as citizen participation.
Important in this vein is the platform struggles of the Venezuelan educators. Beyond the ideas which seek to debunk Ploče and nature of the regime's policy, a circumstance that will be crossed this process is the struggle and by the professionalism, for the vindication of the teaching profession, especially if we take into account the relevant provisions of Title IV and the subsequent articles. We must raise in a proactive who, seeking their recognition, covering fundamental aspects of democratic teaching, that does not mean in any case, the taming of the teacher to use the system. In any case, the platform of fighting must address both economic and social aspects, such as those that are part of the education event in essential terms.
not enough that the quality of education in the abstract. As we locate the point of view of the physical conditions and working conditions and training of teachers in professional terms. In turn the platform of struggle must locate the contradictions between the act of education and political project proposal national and popular. That is, the platform struggles must indicate a relationship between the claim itself, the criticism of Chavez educational project and the overall demand for education to serve the people and national interest.
With regard to teaching and their trade organization, our belief in the need to open a broad debate and set some guidelines to guide our political actions. In general, we start considering the value of the policy educator for his position in the reproduction of society and in particular the work force. This places it within the debate of ideas and reproduction from the age of learners and their relationship with parents and representatives. Hence, one of the most important objectives is the struggle for the establishment of a new ethic in teaching in which properly articulate the struggle for demands with the struggle for the conditions in the educational process in its material sense and academic. Not only is the debate about these issues, but the proposal and policies that will raise the awareness of students and teachers, one of whose main goals should be raising awareness of the need for education for the collective interest and national, that is, the best interests above the aspiration chrematistic or individual, without thereby waiving the improvement in the lives of people and, within it, the educator.
This is a critical perspective to the management association in which the perversions bipartisan developed during the period are reproduced in the current period. The union leadership has found a niche for businesses that have nothing to do with the mission of the educator. Thus, the principal business is the administration of collective agreements, the hiring of HCM, as well as the perquisites of savings for educators, and heritage of the industry in question, among others. This has created a segment whose function has nothing to do with teaching or with noble purposes. Instead, he reaches union positions abandoned its role as educator to serve "full time", for the union. Thus one of the issues that should distinguish our policy is to denounce these practices as well as the assumption of political ethics whose resources are noted above. More specifically, we advocate a union management away from the negotiation of anything, other than the conditions of teachers and learners, so we place its role in fundamental unionist. This calls for the democratization of the union, by the impulse spirit assemblies, for the discussion and participation.
slogan We must insist on the unity of teaching by creating a single trade organization of teaching. In turn we provide for our participation guild rankings, placing us at the College of Teachers, without implying that we abandon the view of participating in the various existing organizations.
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